“Free at Last”: What Bangladesh’s Interim Government Can Teach Other Countries in Transition

Upon casting his ballot in Bangladesh’s February election, Muhammad Yunus reflected buoyantly to a reporter that he was “free at last!” After 18 months as the government’s interim leader, Yunus and the country succeeded at what many feared impossible: a credible election and successful political transition following the 2024 uprising that capsized Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarian regime.

This accomplishment is not only a win for Bangladesh’s democracy; it also draws attention to a relatively understudied but highly consequential political arrangement: interim or transitional governments. Some interim governments are anticipated under constitutional provisions; for example, caretaker governments formed after the dissolution of parliament. Others emerge ad hoc to manage crises or moments of political rupture, such as the fall of an authoritarian regime. Their mandates vary widely but, at a minimum, they are usually tasked with steering the country toward a democratic political order through credible elections.

This is no small challenge. Interim authorities are typically unelected and must therefore build legitimacy outside the ballot box, often while operating in fragile environments with ill‑defined rules and constraints. At the start of 2026, roughly a dozen countries – including Bangladesh, Haiti, Syria, and military transitional governments in the Sahel – were governed under such transitional arrangements.

A recent study by the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) examines the intense effort required of transitional governments as they move from crisis to credible elections that assure successful democratic transitions. Bangladesh offers a compelling case study, illustrating the pivotal choices it made that other countries can adapt to their own transitions.

From the Depths of Authoritarianism to the July Uprising

Bangladesh had become increasingly authoritarian for 15 years when, in July 2024, a student-led protest over the reinstatement of a controversial civil service quota system rapidly escalated into a nationwide uprising. The country’s previous three election cycles had been marred by fraud allegations and opposition boycotts. Perceptions were widespread that the Bangladesh Election Commission (BEC) served Sheikh Hasina’s ruling Awami League. Fueled by frustrations over democratic backsliding, high youth unemployment, and economic hardship, protesters expanded their demands and ultimately forced the prime minister to flee the country. Just three days later, Yunus was sworn in, with one clear task: to deliver democratic elections, and to do so quickly.

How did his interim government succeed? Six key factors helped bring Bangladesh from government collapse to the ballot box.

A Trusted Leader

Early consensus on an interim leader is critical to fill the power vacuum and put the transitional government on stronger footing for a subsequent democratic transition. But finding someone who commands legitimacy across key stakeholder groups is a Rubik’s Cube. Yunus was widely seen as politically neutral and brought a reputation as a respected economist and civil society leader. When movement leaders proposed his name, representatives from both major remaining parties, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Jamaat-e-Islami, rallied behind the choice. Yunus’s international standing, including his 2006 Nobel Peace Prize, reassured key international players including the United States, European Union, and China.

Credibility in a Time of Crisis

Interim leaders invariably face existential challenges from political parties and security forces, so Yunus’s government needed to secure legitimacy and political buy-in, especially given Bangladesh’s history of frequent military coups. The country’s army chief vowed to back the interim government through an 18-month transition, despite some key political actors advocating for a shorter timeline. The interim government also quickly secured legal support through a Supreme Court opinion that affirmed its constitutionality. This judicial endorsement, combined with the military’s backing, helped anchor the interim government’s legitimacy.

A Reformed Election Administration

To be credible, transitional elections must be transparently administered by trusted electoral authorities. Rebuilding confidence in impartial election administration after Hasina’s cooptation of the BEC was critical to secure participation in elections by political parties. The interim government formed a search committee of senior public servants and civil society representatives to identify new BEC leadership, who then replaced hundreds of politically appointed executives and officers around the country.

Beyond key personnel changes, the BEC also sought to restore credibility by training new officials, holding regular press conferences and meetings with political parties to address concerns, and coordinating with other public institutions and partners to inform and engage voters. The European Union Election Observation Mission highlighted these efforts in its preliminary statement, noting the BEC “adopted a proactive approach to rebuilding public trust” and displayed “transparency and openness” in public and media interactions.  Despite sporadic criticisms of the BEC and disagreements about the ideal election timeline, the three largest parties contesting the election, BNP, Jamaat-e-Islami, and the newly formed National Citizen Party (NCP) all participated fully in the process and accepted the election results.

A Level Playing Field

Emerging from oppressive regimes, many countries struggle to dismantle entrenched advantages that unfairly stack elections in favor of incumbents. In Bangladesh, with broad agreement that the Hasina regime had tilted the playing field to its advantage, the interim authorities formed an expert commission to propose sweeping changes to the electoral process.

Under pressure to deliver elections quickly, the interim government prioritized immediate reforms to level the playing field and expand participation. More specifically, it accepted the BEC’s recommendations to introduce out-of-country voting, which enfranchised the large Bangladeshi diaspora, and conferred new authority on the BEC to annul results in constituencies with severe irregularities. Ultimately, the professionalism of the BEC and the genuine competitiveness of the election were key to securing political parties’ acceptance of the process, timeline, and results.

Other major constitutional reform proposals – including the establishment of an upper house in parliament and limits to the prime minister’s tenure – were combined as a package and put to a public referendum held concurrently with the parliamentary elections. The “yes” vote prevailed. The newly elected BNP-led government now assumes responsibility for implementing these reforms going forward, despite dissent over some parts of the package. The approach increases the political stakes around reform implementation, but it also prevented an extended transitional period that could have eroded public support.

A Transitional Leader Who Resists the Temptation of Incumbency

Around the world, many transitional leaders have sought elected office despite earlier promises not to run, including in recent years Jeanine Añez in Bolivia and Mahamat Déby in Chad. Such bids for power erode public trust in the neutrality of reforms and decisions made during the transition. Even when interim leaders’ actions are impartial, any whiff of political ambition can undermine the credibility of transitional elections. Yunus, however, resisted whatever temptations incumbency may have offered. The government dealt with accusations of political bias from actors affiliated with different parties throughout the transition, but Yunus stated from the beginning – and maintained throughout his tenure – that he would not run in the elections.

Leadership Committed to Staying the Course

Transitional leaders frequently confront insecurity, violence, and political turmoil that tempt them to postpone elections or cling to power. In Mali, Colonel Assimi Goïta installed himself as transitional president in 2021 and convinced his military allies to renew his mandate “as many times as necessary until the country is pacified,” without setting measurable security indicators for holding elections. Bangladesh’s transition also faced spikes in political violence, particularly after the assassination of prominent young leader Sharif Osman Hadi and the violent protests that followed.

Interim leaders and the BEC could not fully stem the unrest, but worked within their mandates to coordinate with security forces, deploy trained personnel to protect at-risk candidates and polling stations, and respond quickly to credible threats. The BEC complemented these efforts by issuing a code of conduct for parties and candidates, urging voters to participate peacefully, and strengthening dispute resolution mechanisms to channel grievances peacefully. Social media both broadened public engagement and amplified disinformation; observers noted that the targeting of millions of young, first-time voters left “little space for respectful political debate” and forced authorities to counter false narratives despite sluggish responses from online platforms. Even so, observers described election day as “largely peaceful” and turnout reached nearly 60 percent (a sharp increase from 42 percent in the previous election), driven in part by the surge of young first-time voters.

Forging a New Democratic Path

Bangladesh’s transition was far from flawless. Banning the Awami League mean up to 25 percent of Bangladeshis may not see themselves as meaningfully represented in parliament. Women candidates won only seven out of the 299 seats. Minority groups have criticized the government for failing to prevent targeted attacks. Political assassinations, mob violence, and clashes during campaigning killed hundreds.

These issues will have consequences for the country’s next chapter. But in a short period, the transitional government made significant headway dismantling authoritarian structures, rebuilding trust in public institutions, and confronting entrenched abuses of power.

Transitional periods are often viewed as brief bridges, but their impact on legitimacy and public trust can be long lasting. In practice, they compress risk, authority, and uncertainty into a narrow window, where missteps can entrench instability. But well‑timed decisions can reset the country’s political trajectory. As more countries confront political ruptures, understanding how interim authorities can steer them from collapse to credible elections is critical to building more durable democratic futures.

Fernanda Buril is the Deputy Director of the Center for Applied Research and Learning at the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES). Erica Shein is the Managing Director of the Center for Applied Research and Learning at the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) and an expert in electoral integrity.

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